Peter Panitsch Sturm weiß
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Deine Nachricht. Es entstanden Wüstungen. Im Westen das nach verlassene Dorf Wilwisch zwischen Panitzsch und Sommerfeld , heute existiert noch der Wilwischgraben und im Osten etwa Cunradisdorf oder auch Conratsdorf das heutige Cunnersdorf , deren Bewohner nach Panitzsch übersiedelten.
August Schumann nennt im Staatslexikon von Sachsen Panitzsch betreffend u. Die geistlichen Gebäude u. Seit hat sich die Bevölkerungszahl von Panitzsch durch den Bau neuer Wohngebiete nahezu verdreifacht.
Seit ist Panitzsch mit Cunnersdorf ein Ortsteil von Borsdorf. His research involves examining the role of the American state and multinational corporations in the evolution of global capitalism.
In , he was also co-founder of the Canadian academic journal, Studies in Political Economy on whose advisory board he still sits. In the s, he was a regular columnist "Panitch on Politics" for the independent socialist magazine, Canadian Dimension , and has remained active in socialist political circles, in particular the Socialist Project in Toronto www.
At the "Globalization, Justice and Democracy" symposium Delhi University , November 11, , Panitch, drawing on his book In and Out of Crisis with Greg Albo and Sam Gindin , addressed a lack of ambition on the left which, he argued, has been more debilitating than its lack of capacity in the global economic crisis.
He outlined immediate reforms that could lead to fundamental changes in class relations including nationalizing banks and turning them into public utilities; demanding universal public pensions to replace private, employer-sponsored ones; and free health care, education and public transit as a way of escaping capitalism's drive to turn public needs into marketable, profit-generating commodities.
As its title suggests, the page book is a comprehensive study of the growth of a global capitalist system over more than a century. Panitch and Gindin argue that the process known as globalization was not an inevitable outcome of expansionary capitalism, but was consciously planned and managed by America, the world's most powerful state.
They dispute the idea that globalization was driven by multinational corporations that have become more powerful than nation states. For them, this claim ignores the intricate relationships between states and capitalism; states maintain property rights , oversee contracts and sign free trade agreements, for example, while deriving tax revenues and popular legitimacy from the success of capitalist enterprises within their borders.
Panitch and Gindin also dismiss claims that the American Empire is in decline as shown, for example, by US trade deficits , industrial shutdowns and layoffs.
They argue, in fact, that the opposite is true. As a result, the US share of global production remained stable at around one quarter of the total right into the 21st century.
According to Panitch and Gindin, the institutional foundations for American-led global capitalism were laid during the Great Depression of the s when the Roosevelt administration strengthened the US Federal Reserve and the US Treasury while establishing a wide range of economic and financial regulatory agencies.
US entry into the Second World War led, moreover, to the growth of a permanent American military—industrial complex.
The authors argue that these state financial and military institutions made the US into a Great Power capable of superintending the spread of its own brand of capitalism.
The US also dominated post-war global institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank , while the American dollar , backed by US Treasury bonds , became the anchor for international finance.
Panitch and Gindin write that the American-financed post-war rebuilding of Europe and Japan, "through low-interest loans, direct grants, technological assistance, and favourable trading relations," created the conditions for investment by US multinational corporations and eventually for substantial foreign investment in the US.
As they trace the history of global capitalism, Panitch and Gindin write that in the years after the Second World War, the US succeeded in building an "informal empire" integrating other capitalist states into a co-ordinated, global capitalist system:.
The US informal empire constituted a distinctly new form of political rule.
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